8-1: Winning Politically At All Costs To The Nation

Eight: Craving For Grandiose

1: Winning Politically At All Costs To The Nation

 

In the early years, as the Party’s head, Jiang Zemin’s position inside the CCP was not very secure. Not only did he have to confront pressures from the senior leaders in the Party, but also he had to face the general public’s dissatisfaction, over the Tiananmen Massacre. Meanwhile, China’s foreign relations were on the rocks. Many countries called back their ambassadors. Trade and arms embargos hit China’s economy hard.

Premier Li Peng was originally Jiang’s immediate superior, but when Jiang was made General Secretary, Li became Jiang’s subordinate. It was somewhat awkward for both. At politburo meetings, Jiang always sat next to Li, and they hosted the meetings together. Jiang often made decisions based on Li’s facial expressions, so, outsiders called it the Jiang-Li system.

To solidify his position inside the Party, Jiang thought he needed to get on Li’s good side. Since Li used to serve as Minister of Water Resources, Jiang, on his first national tour, visited the Three Gorges Project, something Li had enthusiastically promoted. Next, Jiang actively lobbied for the project and forced the National People’s Congress to approve its preliminary plans.

Jiang ignored the potential problems that the Three Gorges Project might cause, to navigation, generation of electricity, relocation of residents, the eco-system, the environment, and war-preparedness. Jiang left the decision-making of this massive project to people like actors, actresses, model workers, and token minority representatives. The sole purpose was to please Li Peng.

Jiang Ze-min had always taken China’s WTO accession as his achievement. In April 1999, after NATO air raids had begun, Jiang Ze-min urged Zhu Rong-jee to leave as scheduled for the WTO negotiations in the US. If the negotiation was to succeed, Jiang as the General Secretary would naturally get the credit, and it would be written into history as his achievements.
Were the negotiation to fail, it would stand to deflate Zhu Rong-jee’s arrogance, a prospect Jiang welcomed, as Zhu’s substantial contributions at the time jeopardized Jiang’s standing. However, considering the circumstances it seemed impossible for the negotiation to achieve anything. Were Zhu not to go through, a golden opportunity might be missed.

Both Li Peng and Qian Qi-Shen were against Zhu Rong-jee’s visit to the US. They thought his appeasement diplomacy amounted to begging for favors and showing weakness.
Zhu’s attitude was evident. He knew that the agriculture, telecommunication and finance industry of China would be hurt by China’s joining the WTO. Besides, given the low efficiencies of the state-enterprises, many enterprises would go bankrupt if fair competition were to be allowed. Zhu thus didn’t want to make too many concessions in his negotiations with the United States.

But Jiang instructed him otherwise and told him to focus on winning the political battle. Zhu was prudent having every concession approved by Jiang.

However, the CCP senior statesmen were unhappy even outraged with these concessions. Upon seeing their reactions, Jiang made Zhu Rong-jee a scapegoat, seamlessly shifted all the blames to him.

In October 1999, Jiang urgently needed a way to improve China’s relations with the West and to quell popular discontent over the suppression of Falun Gong. It was for this reason, his thinking turned to the WTO. Jiang called a meeting of the Politburo demanding everybody’s support for greater degrees of concessions. When Zhu Rong-jee negotiated with the US delegation at the table, it was Jiang who called the shots in each move behind the scenes.

The concessions made to gain WTO accession were far more than those proposed with appeasement diplomacy.
On October 15, when both sides signed the agreement, Zhu Rong-jee draw upon the lesson he had learned, that great achievements make one’s boss feel insecure, and didn’t attend the signing ceremony. Nor did he attend the celebration party held at Zhongnanhai that night. Newsweek Magazine commented, that the WTO agreement made Zhu Rong-jee an invisible man.

It was Jiang who was the most eager in regard to the celebration of the 50th-anniversary of the CCP’s reign. He wanted to have a huge portrait of himself, placed next to that of Mao Ze-dong and Deng Xiao-ping, on the anniversary day. He wanted the Army, Navy and Air Force march before him, and enjoy the feel of being the Chairman of the Military Commission, to show off the power to the world.

When Zhu Rong-jee learned that the total cost of the celebration would be 180 billion yuan, that’s 22 billion US dollars, and that this included the plans for elaborating ceremonial tributes, giving raises to public servants and retired staff, and creating new infrastructures for the celebration.
He was furious and bit his lips not uttering a word.

Jiang, by contrast, said: “I think the celebration needs to have a look of great power. When it comes to activities celebrating the 50th anniversary, we need to think about its political impact, rather than be limited by finances.” The money that Jiang lavishly spent on the extravaganza could have paid for the educations of 200 million students, or the daily needs of 30 million unemployed for a year.

When Jiang Zemin imitated Deng Xiao-ping shouting: ” Hello, Comrades!” He was not as confident as Deng, for Jiang knew that when Deng did the same, his reform brought people a couple of years of a better life. This time around, when Jiang had his celebration, some one hundred million citizens, the Falun Gong practitioners had just been made enemies, with their friends and family included, it’s a huge part of the population!

7-7: Escapades Of Nepotism

Seven: Lustful And Shameless

7: Escapades Of Nepotism

 

Jiang Zemin’s Younger son, Jiang Miankang, is not as ambitious and ferocious as his brother. He has a background in radio and has never worked on anything that has to do with the army.
But Jiang asked for Xu Caihou’s help to make Jiang Miankang, Vice Chairman of the political committee at the Nanjing Army base, as well as a major general.

Before his retirement, Jiang Zemin didn’t trust anyone with military power, so he tried to transfer Jiang Miankang to the General Strategy Dept of the PLA. But the head of the CMC, Chi Haotian, objected to his nomination. Jiang had no choice, but to settle Jiang Miankang in the position of the head of the second bureau in the army’s General Political Dept. Soon, he was promoted to be the assistant director of the Organization Dept. And next, the director of the Organization Dept.

Jiang Zemin’s uncle Jiang Shangqing had two daughters, Jiang Zehui and Jiang Zeling. As Jiang continued to advanced in his political career, he promoted Jiang Zehui at an incredible speed.
She was a common school teacher at Anhui Agricultural College in Anhui Province. First, he made Jiang Zehui dean of the school of Forestry at Anhui Agriculture College. And then, he made her the principal of the Anhui Agriculture College.
Finally, he made her the head of the Chinese Academy of Forestry.

Jiang Zemin’s nephew, Jiang Zeling’s son, Tai Zhan, lost 11.5 million yuan in real estate and was unable to pay back the debt.
So he forged a company’s stamp, of a Hongkong real estate company to forge documents, and mortgaged the company’s 45 apartments, to get the cash to pay his debt.
The Hongkong company filed a lawsuit against Tai Zhan in Guangling peoples’ court, and the court started processing the case in March 2000. The court verified that the company’s stamp on the documents was forged.

However, the trial against Tai Zhan faced a lot of obstacles and pressures from the top, because he is Jiang’s nephew. The court was forced to drop the investigation and ended the trial.
The Hongkong company never got its properties back.

Tai Zhan had been buying a lot of houses, stocks, and entertainment business for over ten years. He is the general manager of a Yangzhou high rise, the owner of Tianzhan Entertainment City, and the president of many joint venture companies. Tai Zhan also used his influence as Jiang’s nephew to get a loan of 16 million yuan for his stock trading, from the Northern Industry Group, a company with a military background. Tai Zhan has been very active in the business arena.

Jiang Zemin has a nephew named Wu Zhiming, in Bangfu, Anhui Province, an uneducated man. As soon as Jiang became secretary of Shanghai City Committee, Wu became a member of the Chinese Communist Party, and now became a permanent member of the Shanghai City Committee, the Secretary of the Party Committee at Shanghai Public Security Bureau, the head of Shanghai City Public Security Bureau, and a ranking member of Standing Committee of Shanghai City Military Police.

In Jan 2003, Jiang made another nephew of his, Xia Deren, a permanent member of the Liaoning Province Committee, assistant secretary of Dalian City Committee, and the Mayor of Dalian City. Since then, Jiang had had his way in Dalian City when he visited, acting like the city was his private property.

According to media reports, Zhou Yongkang had claimed to be Mrs. Jiang’s nephew and often boasted that he was very close to Chairman Jiang. Zhou Yongkang is a rather depraved man. According to people close to him, he often slept with prostitutes at hotels, with the excuse of working late.
Moreover, it’s said that on multiple occasions, he had forced himself upon female employees of the hotels. Since Zhou Yongkang had been one of the government officials most enthusiastic about persecuting Falun Gong, Jiang appointed him Minister of Public Security.

It’s difficult to track the total number of Jiang’s relatives who had advanced to high places or made huge fortunes because of their relation to Jiang. When the higher-ups do not set a good example, the subordinates cannot be expected to behave well. Jiang’s escapade of nepotism had caused the already corrupted Chinese Communist regime, to become irreversibly corrupt.

7-6: The Most Corrupted Man

Seven: Lustful And Shameless

6: The Most Corrupted Man

 

In the 1980s Jiang Zemin sent his eldest son, Jiang Mianheng to the United States to study, get his green card, and keep watching on the development in China. In 1992, when Jiang established complete control over the Chinese Communist Party, the Chinese Communist Government, and the Army, he immediately summoned Jiang Mianheng to return, and take advantage of his power to make huge fortunes in China. Thus, Jiang Mianheng brought his wife and son back to China.

In Jan. 1993, he began to work as a regular researcher at the Shanghai Institute of Ceramics under the Chinese Academy of Sciences. It raised many eyebrows that he became the head of the Institute in just four years. Jiang Mianheng was doing business while keeping his job at the Institute. In 1994, he bought Shanghai Joint Investment Company, worth over 100 million yuan, for the incredibly low price of only a few million yuan, borrowed from a bank.

This was how Jiang Mianheng started his telecommunications empire:  The company was founded by a Mr. Huang, a vice-chairman of Shanghai City’s Economic Committee, after spending a lot of time and effort. But after founding the company and running it for only three months, Huang was transferred back to the Shanghai Economic Committee and disappeared ever since. Next, Jiang Mianheng suddenly landed the position of the president and general manager, as though he came down in a parachute. As a result, he suddenly became the king of telecommunications in China.

Being Jiang Zemin’s eldest son, Jiang Mianheng has both money and power in his pockets. Therefore, his business is guaranteed to be a huge success. Overseas Chinese and Western entrepreneurs, including Yahoo co-founder, Jerry Yang, were eager to do business with him.

In a few years, Jian Mianheng built a giant telecommunications empire. By 2001, Jiang Mianheng owned the Shanghai joint investment company, and had controls over ten other companies through stocks, including the Shanghai Information network, Shanghai People Network, China Network, etc.
He runs a wide variety of businesses, such as cable, electronic publishing, DVD/VCD productions, and Broadband networks for online businesses.

Jiang Mianheng is president of numerous companies and had businesses in nearly all of the most prosperous industries.
He’s even in the top-level management of Shanghai Tunnel and Shanghai Subway. Even Shanghai Airline made him one of its directors. According to a businessman in Shanghai, Jiang Mianheng is not only China’s king of telecommunications but also the head of the underworld society in the Shanghai Triad.

Success in business did not satisfy Jiang Zemin and Jiang Mianheng, after all, successful businessmen in the history of the Communist Party were vulnerable, without a higher position in the Chinese Communist government. As a result, Dec. 2, 1999, Jiang had appointed his son to be the number two figures in the Chinese Academy of Sciences.

The high profile Annual Fortune Global Forum was held in May 2001 in Hongkong. Jiang brought the leader of the state, Jiang Mianheng, to the Forum, and introduced him to some of the wealthiest and most powerful people in the world, especially those wealthy businessmen with multi-national businesses who wanted to expand the families’ empire.

On the next day, when China’s application to host the 2008 Olympic Games in Beijing was approved, Jiang Mianheng signed huge business contracts with these wealthy men.
By then he had become the number one embodiment of the commercial bureaucrats.

Jiang Zemin ordered China Telecom to be divided into Northern Telecom and Southern Telecom, then gave Northern Telecom with its fixed assets in ten northern provinces, to Jiang Mianheng’s network for free.  Jiang Mianheng put the network through merger three times, and canceled them later, so that he swept the company’s assets into his own pocket before the stocks were publicly traded. People who bought the stocks ended up holding the bags.

In Sept. 2000, Jiang Mianheng and Wang Wen-yang, the son of Wang Yongqing, the wealthiest businessman in Taiwan, announced to start Grace Semiconductor Manufacturing Corporation, as a joint venture with a total joint investment of 6.4 billion US dollars. But Wang Mingyang stated that he did not invest a penny. It was Jiang Mianheng, who came up with all the money for the investment from the bank.  Jiang Mianheng capitalized on his father’s power and became filthy rich.

Zhou Zhengyi, known as the wealthiest real estate magnate in Shanghai, was arrested in May 2003 for collaborating with government officials, to steal private lands. The investigators discovered that Jiang Mianheng had stolen a large pack of land in Jing An district. He and Jiang Miankang were even more wicked and cold-hearted than Zhou Zhengyi. They forced the residents out of their private properties and did not compensate them at all.

Shortly before the CCP’s 16th Congress, Jiang Mianheng inspected the number 502 branch of the Ministry of Industry and Information Technology and watched the demonstration of searching the keyword “Jiang Zemin” on Google, never expecting that 3 out of the top ten hits in the search results, would describe Jiang’s crimes. Moreover, the first article in the search results had the headline”Evil Jiang”. Jiang Mianheng was both shocked and angry.

To completely deny the Chinese people’s rights to obtain overseas information, about democracy, human rights, and freedom, especially oversea’s information about Falun Gong, Jiang Mianheng began to accelerate the efforts to filter the Internet. He was responsible for developing the Golden Shield project to completely control the Internet, and monitor people’s access to the Internet in China. The initial investment in the Golden Shield project alone totaled 800 million US dollars. Under Jiang Zemin’s reign, Jiang Mianheng had become the head supervisor of the network police.

7-5: Jiang’s Lustful Delight

 

Seven: Lustful And Shameless

5: Jiang’s Lustful Delight

Huang Liman is from Harbin, Heilongjiang Province.
She graduated from Harbin Military Engineering Academy. Despite her average looks, Huang has always been known for her sex appeal. In middle school, students were allowed to dance with the opposite sex. And many boys would fight over her. A school teacher at Harbin Engineering Academy had an affair with Huang. His wife learned about it and caused a scene, and the teacher eventually was punished for it.

In the early eighties, Jiang was the Minister of Electronics Industry, when Huang happened to work in the Ministry’s office. According to her colleagues at the office, Huang dressed to kill and wore a lot of make-up when she came to work every day. The offensively strong fragrance of her French perfume and the sound of her high heels always preceded and announced her arrival. Jiang would smile in lustful delight.

The Chinese Communist Party organizations were allowed an hour for a nap after lunch. At the nap hour every day, Huang would sneak into Minister Jiang’s office. Once, the Chinese Central government delivered an urgent document to Jiang. The messenger knew what was going on inside Minister Jiang’s office, so he dared not ruin his pleasure. He had no choice but to wait anxiously for over an hour outside the door. Huang finally came out of the office, and her clothes were in disarray.

Before Jiang left the Ministry in Beijing, and became the Mayor of Shanghai, he made Huang the vice -chairman of the administrative office, of the Electronic Industry Ministry. Shortly after Jiang arrived in Shanghai, a governmental telephone line to Shanghai was installed in Huang’s home. However, the phone calls to Shanghai lasted too long, and the telephone bills were alarmingly high. Eventually, the finance dept at the Electronic Industry Ministry had to review the details of her phone bills.

The affair between Huang and Jiang could no longer be hidden from her husband. And Huang’s husband decided to settle the divorce in court. Jiang reportedly hurried back to Beijing and negotiated with Huang’s husband. The two allegedly came to terms, that Huang’s husband would move to Shenzhen, and work for an electronics company, while Huang remained in Beijing alone, for Jiang’s pleasure when he went Beijing to report to the Central government.

After the Tiananmen Massacre in 1989, Jiang transferred Huang to Shenzhen. At first, the Party leader in Shenzhen underestimated her influence. They put her in a position with no real power. Huang complained about it to Jiang, asking him to seek revenge for her. Unfortunately, Jiang had not yet secured his power at that time. Besides, Huang’s boss was Ren Kelei, the eldest son of Ren Zhongyi, a senior leader of the CCP.
Jiang couldn’t run the risk. So he had no choice but to ask Huang to temporarily put up with it.

In 1993, Deng Xiaoping held an inspection tour in Shenzhen, Jiang was forced to support the reform and followed Deng’s footsteps to Shenzhen. As soon as the leaders of Shenzhen’s city committee were prepared to make a presentation, Jiang asked in a seemingly nonchalant manner without even looking up: “Why isn’t Comrade Huang here?” The question shook the secretary of Shenzhen Li Youwei. This was a hint that he must not underestimate that woman! Li Youwei was very familiar with the political atmosphere, so he immediately sent a car to pick Huang up.

Next, the Shenzhen City Committee went through a reorganization. Huang became Secretary-General, and a permanent member of the Shenzhen City Committee.
Later, she became deputy secretary of the Shenzhen City Committee and had an encrypted phone line at home that was connected directly to Zhongnanhai. Since Shenzhen City was built, no political leader there had ever had an encrypted phone line to Zhongnanhai. Because of her political status, Huang became very wealthy. During those years there was a lot of traffic to her home.

Some people begged her for a position in the government; some people begged to cover up their crimes.
A lot of major financial criminals were acquitted after they bribed Huang with a large bundle of money. To keep Huang’s husband from exploding, Jiang ordered the local government to give green light to all his business deals.

Huang Liman doesn’t have any talent, morality, political accomplishment, or support from the people. She’s only good in Jiang’s bedroom. She then was promoted to the deputy secretary of Guangdong province. As soon as Jiang had the power to do so, he arranged for her to become a candidate for the CCP’s 16th Central Committee, the third candidate from the bottom. Once Huang began calling the shots in Shenzhen, all her sisters also prospered.

Her first younger sister, Huang Lirong became Chairman of the labor union of a large corporation in Shenzhen. The CEO of the corporation pledged his loyalty to Huang and Huang Lirong every day. In 1997, when the company began to trade its stock in the stock market, the CEO gave them 50000 shares of the IPO for free. Her second younger sister Huang Lizhe was the dept head of a bank. Her husband’s private company was never short of cash. Just the profits for issuing loans would be enough to provide for several generations in the Huang’s family.

Huang Liman lived in luxury. She received 300000 yuan in monthly benefits. The amount of her savings remained at the watermark of 50 billion yuan. She also kept luxurious mansions in Shenzhen Bay, Guangzhou, Beijing and Shanghai whose market value totaled 14-15 million yuan. Her mansion in Beijing, Guangzhou, and Shenzhen were paid for with housing benefits, in other word, they were gifts from the Chinese government.

Huang had also been exposed for renting 16 luxury suites in Qilin Mansion and the Wuzhou Hotel, for a long period in the name of Shenzhen City Committee, for high-level cadre at the provincial level to use for vacation and holidays. The hotel expenses totaled 20 million yuan a year.

While Huang was reigning over Shenzhen City, the number of robberies rose to 600 per day on average. Shenzhen became a paradise for criminals. After Jiang stepped down, Huang soon lost her power and was transferred to Guangdong province where she became the chairman of people’s congress, a position with no real power. However, to repair the severe damage she had done to Shenzhen, would take a long time.